2012年5月21日 星期一

梁国雄 The Hon.Leung Kwok hung, Long hair




梁国雄The Hon.Leung Kwok hung,1956年3月27日

I used to vote long hair in lego, then I thought , what a waste of time, yelling and complaining all the time, with no  positive product nor outcome.
I was wrong.
Then in the recent times, the more and more manipulative scenes were revealed, how decent were the other stakeholders?

I watched Mr Leung and Wong in their '' tiring'' attempts in the last lego meeting, what brave and dedicated public servant.

My admiration to both, a life of dedication to true belief, well above any material rewards, as the other well offs and nobles under the same roof trying to hold on and proud off. What a difference.


wiki
绰号长毛”或Long hair[来源请求],生于香港,籍贯中国广东增城,香港左翼政治人物民选香港立法会议员,是泛民主派的一员。梁国雄是托洛斯基派的支持者,高举马克思社会主义理论,梁国雄常穿着印有阿根廷马克思主义革命家切·格瓦拉的衬衫,配合一头披肩长髪,成为了他的招牌形象,故得到“长毛”这个绰号。梁国雄活跃于社会运动及相关示威活动,2004年,在他宣誓成为议员时,高呼“平反六四”,结束“一党专政”及释放中国大陆政治犯口号。2006年,他与黄毓民陈伟业等人参与成立以社会民主主义为主导思想的政治团体社会民主连线



這個政府,生時累街坊,死時累朋友,政府把23%的港鐵股份出售,讓港鐵上市,政府則套現,官員稱這樣對地鐵營運更有裨益;然後,政府發明機制,精神是尊重小股東利益,政府自己手握百分之七十多的股權,卻自廢武功;現在我問政府,可否不贊成加價,官員卻稱機制已經通過立法會審議,要怨應該怨立法會云云。你們不認為,政府從地鐵私有化的一刻,就是蓄意跳樓自殺然後累死香港人嗎?
局長有否看法國總統大選?薩爾科齊不是不可一世嗎?手戴明錶,擺明車馬以富豪自居,法國人理應被我統治,德國總理是契媽,德法聯盟統治歐洲!你看看他的下場吧,在普選制度下,他自己一步步走向絕路。
我的問題很簡單,你會否不讓港鐵加價?倘若有小股東控告政府,政府應當理直氣壯將矛盾交由法庭判決,政府有理據可以打官司的。在雙非的議題上,政府不是提倡同一套路嗎?政府不讓雙非來港,然後受影響的人自行去做司法覆核,這不是同樣道理嗎?
邱副局長,你年輕時在中大學生會講人話,現在做官則講屁話,你想升格做局長嗎?下次跳樓記得通知我:我當日提醒政府,地鐵與九鐵不要合併,可加可減機制「搵笨」的,最終政府有保皇議員護航通過合併;現在各方批評政府,你們就用立法會做擋箭牌,砸死了香港人和立法會,自己就逃之夭夭。特首只由1200人選出,你們不自覺可恥嗎?你試想想七月一日普選特首,你現在會說甚麼?「我們已經看到聽到市民的意見,我們一定會阻止港鐵加價!」
我有位助理(編按:曾參選黃大仙區議會落敗的黃軒瑋先生),因為搶鄭汝樺的咪,被法官重判坐監14日。搶咪就要坐監,港鐵搶錢多年,該當有何刑責?我的助理為了抗議港鐵加價,搶咪連一句說話都未講,市民有冤何處訴?不是人人都如此清閒到立法會發言的。
一句到尾,夕陽政府可以做一點好事嗎?劉健儀議員質問政府,你不答。有與會者提出,政府反對加價會惹上官非,因為招股書寫明要照顧小股東利益;政府應該公開表明,不贊成港鐵加價,然後在股東大會投票。官司始終要打,小股東總有人走出來稱政府不守招股章程,然而小股東購買股票時不是早已知道嗎?「政府決策可能影響股東利益」和「必須照顧小股東利益」,就讓法庭判決吧,再有爭議政府其實可以收購港鐵吧!
最後,政府既然明確反對中電加價,為何不同樣表明反對港鐵加價?是不是你們自己有股票?還是有過氣高官一意孤行?

黄毓民(The Hon. Wong Yuk Man Raymond

黄毓民The Hon. Wong Yuk Man Raymond,1951年10月1日),


Brave man.
Society Teacher
The more I got older, the more I got involved in why one lives and what are the purpose of existance. The more I admire Mr Wong. He leads a valuable life.....




wiki
字谊道,祖籍广东陆丰,通晓:粤语潮州语鹤佬话(闽南语)、普通话英语珠海书院历史硕士,1990年代初主持电视政论节目《龙门阵》及担任事时评论员,后来节目平台移至电台,曾主持香港商业电台《毓民七钟叙》、《政事有心人》等节目,在传媒界素有“癫狗”、“名嘴”、“流氓教授”之别号,是香港著名的政治评论家政论节目评论家。 由于其言论十分火爆的风格,词锋锐利、敢言及指骂权贵,人际关系网络广阔,经常引经据典、历史典故,讨论时青筋暴现的特点,与一般人心中学者清直平和的形象有所迳庭,故得“流氓教授”之称。................

2012年5月10日 星期四

my primary school teachers

My great teachers at Sinto primary school Kwong Lee Road Shamshuipo.
I guess they 'd be please with their products. most are functioning good parents and citizens......

Ms Ngai Shuk Fong
Mr Liu Tak Lai
Ms Hui Hoi Shuen
Mr Hui Chi Kong
Mr Yeung
Mr Ip
Mr Chan


what can a local district primary school in Li Cheng Uk area produced in the poor 1960-70s?

a big group of good citizens good parents and able to meet still after 30-40 years from graduation

considered in the poor 60s, a class managed to struggle up, by educations.
of those in contact

Au YL
Au PC

Chan SM        Bsc MSc Wine IT specialist
Chan              MBBS MPainMed FRACGP Community doctor, columnist
Chan WW
Chan WC

Cho WK          BA MA MA LLM Administrator, Literary award winner
Chui  MY         RN married to Yeung  great mun.
Chiu SL

Fung KP    BA MA MA Public Servant

Ho  CW      BDS Dentist
Ho WW

Ip ML

Kam WY
Kam WK  

Koo KB

Leung KT    BA Restaurant administrator
Leung LC    BA MRA Public servant, great mun
Leung YF

Lam YS        BA administrator
Lam CS
Li   CS            BA Prestor
Li YM

Mok OL        Dental therapist, great mun

Wong  KM      BA MBA , CFO of a major company
Wong YK       Self trained Businessman, ran a factory in china in early 1980s
Wu TK            CFO of a major food company

Yeung  YW      BA CEO of Investment bank
Yeung  SC       MD Prof of Medicine, Houston, Texas

my mother in law


An illiterate hard working traditional chinese female, who became a christian in her 70s.
I think she is  the only true christian I have ever met. No questions ask, would considers everyone else before herself.
her achievement is her children, she has any other things left for herself?

first daughter -      MA (Univ of Adelaide) Administrator of adult education
second daughter - BA (UNSW) RN a dedicated mother
third daughter -     christian couple
fourth daughter -   BA MBA (City UHK) Teacher
fifth son-               Police sargent
sixth daughter -     BA MEd (Baptist UHK) Teacher

grandson - B Econ (Sydney U)

my mother

An illiterate hard working traditional chinese female, who enjoys looking at magazine pictures while in her 80s.
her achievement is her children, she has any other things left for herself?

first son-          restaurant business, at some stage, hundred of employees
second son-     BA (U Washington) , GM of a major local bank
third daughter- BA (EWU) , MA (Texas Tech Univ) Librarian in LA
fourth son-       MBBS (UNSW), MPainMed, FRACGP, community doctor
fifth son-          BA, MBA (CUHK), Administrator
sixth son-         BCom (ANU), ASA, ACCA, Accountant

Grand son -           BA (CUHK) MPA (HKU)
Grand daugther 1- BCom (Griffith U ) CPA
Grand daughter 2- BA (Purdue )

馬英九 Ma Ying-jeou

馬英九  a hong kong born  president by democratic election


1950年7月13號—)係現任中華民國總統香港出世,1998年2006年做過台北市長
2005年8月19號中國國民黨主席,係繼蔣經國李登輝連戰之後嘅第四位,亦係第一位由黨員直選產生嘅。
老婆係周美青,有兩個女。
2008年馬英九代表國民黨參加中華民國總統選舉‎,最後以過半數票當選成為第十二任中華民國總統,2012年再以過半數票成功連任總統。


Wiki

Chris Patten 彭定康


Chris Patten 彭定康

controversial figure, one of the few I actually shaked hands with. Such a clever man, did he help the world, UK , of Hong Kong to become a better place? I think he did, while may not single mindedly.

Christopher Francis Patten, Baron Patten of BarnesCHPC (born 12 May 1944), is a British Conservative politician and administrator. He is the current chairman of theBBC Trust, and was the last Governor of British Hong Kong.
Patten was Member of Parliament for Bath, eventually rising to a cabinet minister and party chairman. In the latter capacity, he orchestrated the Conservatives' unexpected fourth consecutive electoral victory in 1992, but lost his own seat in the House of Commons. He then accepted the post of Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Hong Kong, and oversaw its handover to the People's Republic of China in July 1997. 
AsGovernor and Commander-in-Chief, Patten presided over a steady rise in the living standards of ordinary Hong Kongers while encouraging a significant expansion of Hong Kong's social welfare system.[2]
From 2000 to 2004 he served as one of the United Kingdom's two members of theEuropean Commission
After leaving that post, he returned to the UK and became the Chancellor of the University of Oxford in 2003, and he was made a Life Peer in 2005.
Patten is a Roman Catholic and oversaw Pope Benedict XVI's visit to the United Kingdom in September 2010. On 7 April 2011 the Queen approved Patten's appointment as the Chairman of the BBC Trust, the governing body of the British Broadcasting Corporation.[3]

Wiki



BBC
Tuesday, 30 June, 1998, 11:56 GMT 12:56 UK
Chris Patten: Reflections on Hong Kong

Chris Patten, the last British Governor of Hong Kong, ended his five-year term almost exactly one year ago. During his time as Governor, he wrote a series of "Letters to Hong Kong" which were broadcast on the local government-funded radio station, RTHK. Now he's written a final letter broadcast in Hong Kong and on the BBC.
I don't believe it, I really don't believe it, is it actually a year since I left Hong Kong on that wet wet night with Lavendar and my daughters?
In a curious way it seems both like yesterday and like an age ago. Since then so much seems to have happened to you, and to me. My family have settled into a new home in London. I've written a book, mostly at our other home in the French countryside. I've started to make some television programmes about Asia.
And I've just begun work as chairman of the commission tasked with organising Northern Ireland's police, for what we all hope will be a more peaceful future after the Good Friday Agreement.
'I've hoarded every scrap of news'
But busy as I've been, I've listened and watched out for every bit of news about Hong Kong. Collected, sifted, hoarded every scrap.
Obviously the big story for you is the Asian financial crisis, which has stormed through the region.
When I'm asked the reasons for the crash I mention three:
First, everyone knows that the immediate cause of the crash was soaring Asian debt, as the dollar strengthened and the Yen weakened.
But there seem to me to be two more fundamental reasons; first, too many Asian governments neglected the basics, they borrowed too much, and often borrowed unwisely. There was slack regulation of banks and financial services. There was too much corruption and nepotism that distorted economies. We're all in favour of family values, but that doesn't mean - or shouldn't mean - lining the pockets of a rulers family.
Second, in several countries economic development had out-stripped the political institutions.
`Hong Kong can take heart'
Chinese troops in Hong Kong
Chinese troops in Hong Kong
What Hong Kong can take heart from is that it doesn't suffer from any of these three big problems. The city is still very well-off. There are huge reserves.
More important Hong Kong has still got all the basics of economic management right. Low taxes, a hands-off approach to business and a marvellous entrepreneurial culture. A well educated and highly skilled workforce.
And third, Hong Kong is a free society under the Rule of Law. It was last year, and it still is this year.
`The flame of freedom burns bright'
I've always believed that no one would be able to snuff-out Hong Kong's democratic spirit. And I've believed too that those who believe in, who stand up for the values of a free society, are far more likely to shape Hong Kong's future than those who don't. And so it has overwhelmingly proved.
A demonstrator taking part in candle-lit vigil in Hong Kong this year to mark the anniversary of the Tiananmen square killings
A demonstrator at a candle-lit vigil in Hong Kong this year to mark the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square killings
Then at the beginning of the month came the impressive vigil for the 1989 Martyrs for Freedom, with thousands gathering in the pouring rain. It does incidentally seem to have rained rather a lot in the last year, I'm sorry that you've had such terrible weather conditions.
But back to June 4th, I was never myself able - for obvious reasons - to attend the vigil when I was Governor, but I used to watch the dignified crowds with admiration, and I did so again this year, as did so many others.
So the flame of freedom burns bright in Hong Kong, and it always will. Others, less fortunate watch, admire and are encouraged to hope for a free future for themselves.
For all those reasons Hong Kong is better placed than almost any other society in Asia to withstand the raging storms.
Of course you can't completely avoid being hit, and they'll certainly be a tougher year or two ahead.
But I'm sure that keeping your nerve, keeping your eye on the long term, keeping faith with yourselves, you'll come through with flying colours. Able once again to astonish the world with Hong Kong's successes, and able as well to play a crucial role in helping your fellow citizens in China to manage the next stage of their reform and modernisation programme.
`Hong Kong has shaped me for the rest of my life'
When I left Hong Kong I described it as a Chinese city with some British characteristics.
That's why I miss it so much, the unique mix of the best of East and the best of West. And I've missed, as you might expect, the Peking duck and the steamed fish, and the custard tarts. The best food anywhere in the world.
But it's been that bubbling verve and excitement that I've missed most. I'm looking forward to experiencing it once again when I come back just for two or three days, after my book is published in the autumn. It's a book about my ideas - ideas formed really by Hong Kong.
If it's bad that's my fault, but if it's good that's really because it bears the indelible imprint of five years spent in Hong Kong.
Hong Kong made the book, and as I know, even after spending twelve months away, Hong Kong made whatever I am today too. Shaped me in a sense for the rest of my life.
Courtesy of RTHK




麥理浩 THE LORD MacLEHOSE OF BEOCH


麥理浩, largely remember as a good man.


The Telegraph Obituary


Lord MacLehose of Beoch

THE LORD MacLEHOSE OF BEOCH, who has died aged 82, was one of the outstanding Governors of Hong Kong under British rule.
His period of office, from 1971 to 1982, coincided with Hong Kong's development from a colonial trading post to a modern city-state. It was marked by progress in the battle against internal corruption, improvements in housing and in the amelioration of relations with mainland China - but not by a movement towards democracy.
Tall, commanding and inclined to punctuate his speech with long, thoughtful silences, MacLehose was a figure of unmistakable authority. Yet he also introduced new informality, dismantling much of the pomp favoured by his predecessors. He covered the short distance from Government House to the Legislative Council Chambers on foot, rather than in the official Rolls-Royce, and took to making walkabouts in crowded areas in short-sleeved, open-necked shirts.
Murray MacLehose was a diplomat and sinologist, rather than a colonial officer like his predecessors. He was the first of a new breed of governors picked by the Foreign Office with an eye to the approach of 1997, when the New Territories lease would expire and a new settlement would have to be struck with Beijing.
MacLehose did much in practical terms for the ordinary people of Hong Kong. In the 1960s the colony had prospered unevenly on laissez-faire principles, but the MacLehose era was characterised by central planning and sharp increases in public spending on education, social services, housing and transport.
On his arrival, MacLehose was shocked to find more than 300,000 refugees from the mainland living in "squatter huts", and many thousands of others in inadequate re-settlement estates.
He established a Housing Authority which set out to build five high-rise new towns in the New Territories. Some 960,000 people were rehoused in 10 years, and the new towns eventually accommodated 2.5 million. As government funds grew through sales of land, many other projects were embarked upon, including the Mass Transit Railway.
But perhaps MacLehose's most important initiative was his action against corruption. During a posting to Hong Kong in the early 1960s, he had observed rampant police corruption - but a lack of will in Westminster or Hong Kong to tackle it. Early in his governorship the issue came to prominence when an inquiry into the activities of Peter Godber, a well-respected former chief superintendent, found him to have taken bribes of several million dollars from vice racketeers.
Concluding that the police could not be relied upon to clean out their own stable, MacLehose set up the Independent Commission Against Corruption. This was embarrassingly successful: 59 sergeants were arrested in a single division, three senior British officers were jailed and another took his own life.
Threatened policemen finally stormed the ICAC offices and assaulted its staff. MacLehose had to allow an amnesty for all but the most serious offences, but his warning of severe action against future misdemeanours turned the tide and boosted public confidence.
In external relations, he was determined to move away from the confrontation between Hong Kong and China that reached its height in the Cultural Revolution of 1967. He was willing to recognise, albeit unofficially, the Hong Kong director of the New China News Agency as Beijing's de facto consul-general in the colony, and even to dine with him.
He was the first Governor to celebrate China Day, and he made a point of signing the book of condolence on the death of Mao in 1976.
Under the pragmatic leadership of Deng Xiaoping, China was for the first time keen to welcome foreign investors. It was against this background that MacLehose received an invitation from the Chinese foreign trade minister to visit Beijing in 1979 - the first official visit by a Hong Kong Governor since the Communist takeover.
Conditions seemed propitious for the broaching of the question of Hong Kong's future after 1997, but Maclehose opted for a sidelong approach, in which Chinese approval would be sought for the sale of individual land leases in the New Territories extending beyond 1997.
But the Chinese refused to be drawn on lease technicalities, and Deng himself wrong-footed the British delegation by going straight to the bigger question. As summarised by Sir Percy Cradock, the British Ambassador, Deng's message was: "Of course Hong Kong will return to China. Sovereignty belongs to China. But 1997 is quite a long way off. Don't worry down there, you'll be all right." A phrase from the official translation, that Hong Kong investors should "set their hearts at ease", was widely proclaimed on MacLehose's return to the colony.
But MacLehose was convinced that China would eventually reclaim Hong Kong tout court, and that attempts to discuss continued British administration after 1997 were pointless. There, in effect, matters rested until Margaret Thatcher's stormy visit to Beijing in September 1992, shortly after MacLehose's retirement. In the meantime he opposed any significant move towards constitutional democracy in Hong Kong, a topic neglected since the departure of the first post-war Governor, Sir Mark Young, in 1947.
When a group of senior civil servants sketched out plans for reform in 1979, MacLehose declined to support them; in the same year, a group of backbench MPs (including the young Chris Patten on his first visit to the colony) arrived from London to harangue him on the same theme.
It was to no avail: the introduction of partial direct elections for District Boards - the equivalent of parish councils - was his only concession. He remained convinced that full-scale elections could not be other than provocative to China. "If the Communists won," he said, "that would be the end of Hong Kong. If the nationalists won, that would bring in the Communists."
Crawford Murray MacLehose was born on October 16 1917 and educated at Rugby and Balliol. As an undergraduate, he developed a love of sailing.
He joined the Colonial Service in Malaya in 1939, and during the Second World War held consular posts at Amoy and Foochow in China, serving briefly as a lieutenant in the RNVR. In 1948 he was appointed Acting Consul-General at Hankow.
These early encounters with the Chinese had a deep effect on him. Later, he spoke of "the thrill of that different world". He found the Chinese, "provided you take them on their own terms, very rewarding". But his diplomatic career took him elsewhere first. He was transferred to the Foreign Office to work on Marshall aid, and went on to serve in Prague as commercial secretary and in Wellington as head of chancery. In 1956 he moved to Paris, where, as commercial counsellor, he began to be noticed by visiting ministers. Three years later he was appointed political adviser to the Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Robin Black.
In 1965, MacLehose became Principal Private Secretary to the Labour Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart, and then to his successor George Brown. Coping with the volatile, sometimes drunken Brown provided useful training for the stresses of his next posting, as Ambassador in Saigon at the height of the Vietnam War, from 1967 to 1969.
In Saigon he developed close relations with the Americans, who saw him as one of the few foreign diplomats who really understood the military situation in the context of the tensions of the region.
It was a disappointment to MacLehose that his next posting was Ambassador to Denmark. But the interlude was brief, and he returned to Hong Kong to succeed Sir David Trench as Governor in November 1971.
MacLehose was created a life peer in 1982, before his departure from Hong Kong. He took his seat on the cross benches, and was by some distance the most authoritative of the mixed bunch of peers who spoke out against democratic reform in Hong Kong.
In a debate on the Legislative Council elections of November 1991 - in which pro-democracy campaigners scored notable successes on a low turn-out - he was dismissive of the results on the grounds that 80 per cent of those entitled to vote had not done so.
MacLehose spoke again in the Lords in November 1992, in a debate on the electoral reforms introduced by Chris Patten in the teeth of furious opposition from mainland China. When there was so much common ground with China about the future of the territory, he said, it was a pity to have provoked a "major confrontation".
In a later interview, MacLehose admitted that it sounded "remarkably feeble" that the fear of provoking Beijing led him both to sidestep the pressure for democracy during his governorship and to oppose it later in the House of Lords. But "I felt my job was to make Hong Kong as contented and prosperous and cohesive as possible. Insofar as I don't sleep at nights, this is the sort of thing one looks back at and wonders whether one should have done it. I still think I was right."
MacLehose joined a group of British grandees, including Sir Edward Heath and Lord Howe, at the official swearing-in ceremony, boycotted by the British Government, of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region chief executive on July 1 1997.
Murray MacLehose was appointed KCMG in 1971, KCVO in 1975 and GBE in 1976. In 1983 he was made a Knight of the Thistle, an honour which he held with special pride as a loyal Scot. He was a Deputy Lieutenant of Ayr and Arran.
In retirement, MacLehose was a director of the National Westminster Bank, chairman of the governors of the School of African and Oriental Studies in London, and chairman of the Scottish Trust for the Physically Disabled. He took to sheep farming at his home near Maybole in Ayrshire.
He married, in 1947, Noël "Squeak" Dunlop; they had two daughters.

David Wilson 衛奕信


David Wilson 衛奕信


largely remember as a good man.


from UK Parliament

Party

Crossbench

Address as

Lord Wilson


Councils, public bodies

Member, Board of British Council 1993-2002; Chair, Scottish Committee of the British Council 1993-2002; Council member, CBI Scotland 1993-2000; Prime Minister's Advisory Committee on Public Appointments: Member 2000-09, Chair 2008-09; Royal Society of Edinburgh: Council member 2000-04, President 2008-11

Political interests

Scottish affairs, education

Countries of interest

China (including Hong Kong SAR), East and South East Asia, India sub-continent

Name, style and title

Raised to the peerage as Baron Wilson of Tillyorn, of Finzean in the District of Kincardine and Deeside and of Fanling in Hong Kong 1992

10: Non-financial interests (b)
Chancellor, University of Aberdeen
Chairman, Council of St Paul's Cathedral
10: Non-financial interests (e)
President, Royal Society of Edinburgh

Parliament UK

董建華 Tung Chee-hwa


董建華Tung Chee-hwa
香港特別行政區第一任行政長官
第十屆全國政協的副主席,職位相當於國家領導人級別。
Controversial figure, good man but poor leader?

1937年7月7日-),籍貫浙江舟山(原寧波定海縣),生於上海,曾是商人,後來成為香港特別行政區第一任行政長官(1997年7月1日—2005年3月12日),現在是全國政協副主席,一直至今。他的妻子是董趙洪娉
在1996年12月11日,董建華由400人組成的推選委員會當中,擊敗楊鐵樑、吳光正及李福善等三名對手,在香港特別行政區首屆行政長官競選中勝出,並接受中華人民共和國政府委任為第一位香港特區首長。在其首個五年任期完結後,由於沒有其他候選人前來競逐,董建華於2002年7月1日自動連任;其任期原於2007年6月30日屆滿,但董建華在2005年3月10日以健康為理由,特向中央人民政府請辭,後於3月12日獲接納。

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梁國雄


梁國雄(長毛) 

網址 http://www.longhair.hk
香港民選立法會議員,2004年首度當選新界東選區議席,當時得票60,925,2008年順利連任,得票44,763;2010年聯合黃毓民、陳偉業、梁家傑及陳淑莊,一同辭職並參與補選,發動五區公投運動,兌現自2000年首度參選立法會以來「為香港普選發動公投」的競選承諾,最後長毛得108,927名新界東選民授權,五名共得全港500,787名選民授權重返立法會。